John Pilger: 'We Have Been Misled' Jan 2, 2014, BBC 4
John Pilger: 'We Have Been Misled'
Audio and transcript BBC Radio 4 Today, Jan. 2, 2014
January 05, 2014 "Information Clearing House - When I travelled in Iraq in the 1990s, the two principal Moslem groups, the Shia and Sunni, had their differences but they lived side by side, even intermarried and regarded themselves with pride as Iraqis. There was no Al Qaida, there were no jihadists. We blew all that to bits in 2003 with 'shock and awe'. And today Sunni and Shia are fighting each other right across the Middle East.
Audio and transcript BBC Radio 4 Today, Jan. 2, 2014
January 05, 2014 "Information Clearing House - When I travelled in Iraq in the 1990s, the two principal Moslem groups, the Shia and Sunni, had their differences but they lived side by side, even intermarried and regarded themselves with pride as Iraqis. There was no Al Qaida, there were no jihadists. We blew all that to bits in 2003 with 'shock and awe'. And today Sunni and Shia are fighting each other right across the Middle East.
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A recent poll asked people in
Britain how many Iraqis had been killed as a result of the invasion of
Iraq in 2003. The answers they gave were shocking.
A majority said that fewer than
10,000 had been killed. Scientific studies report that up to a million
Iraqi men, women and children died in an inferno lit by the British
government and its ally in Washington. That's the
equivalent of the genocide in Rwanda. And the carnage goes on.
Relentlessly.
What this reveals is how we in
Britain have been misled by those whose job is to keep the record
straight. The American writer and academic Edward Herman calls this
'normalising the unthinkable'. He describes two types
of victims in the world of news: 'worthy victims' and 'unworthy
victims'. 'Worthy victims' are those who suffer at the hands of our
enemies: the likes of Assad, Qadaffi, Saddam Hussein. 'Worthy victims'
qualify for what we call 'humanitarian intervention'.
'Unworthy victims' are those who
get in the way of our punitive might and that of the 'good dictators' we
employ. Saddam Hussein was once a 'good dictator' but he got uppity and
disobedient and was relegated to 'bad dictator'.
In Indonesia, General Suharto was a
'good dictator', regardless of his slaughter of perhaps a million
people, aided by the governments of Britain and America. He also wiped
out a third of the population of East Timor with
the help of British fighter aircraft and British machine guns. Suharto
was even welcomed to London by the Queen and when he died peacefully in
his bed, he was lauded as enlightened, a moderniser, one of us. Unlike
Saddam Hussein, he never got uppity.
When I travelled in Iraq in the
1990s, the two principal Moslem groups, the Shia and Sunni, had their
differences but they lived side by side, even intermarried and regarded
themselves with pride as Iraqis. There was no
Al Qaida, there were no jihadists. We blew all that to bits in 2003 with
'shock and awe'. And today Sunni and Shia are fighting each other right
across the Middle East.
This mass murder is being funded
by the regime in Saudi Arabia which beheads people and discriminates
against women. Most of the 9/11 hijackers came from Saudi Arabia. In
2010, Wikileaks released a cable sent to US embassies
by the Secretary of State Hilary Clinton. She wrote this: "Saudi Arabia
remains a critical financial support for Al Qaeda, the Taliban, al Nusra
and other terrorist groups... worldwide". And yet the Saudis are our
valued allies. They're good dictators. The
British royals visit them often. We sell them all the weapons they want.
I use the first person 'we' and
'our' in line with newsreaders and commentators who often say 'we',
preferring not to distinguish between the criminal power of our
governments and us, the public. We are all assumed to be
part of a consensus: Tory and Labour, Obama's White House too. When
Nelson Mandela died, the BBC went straight to David Cameron, then to
Obama. Cameron who went to South Africa during Mandela's 25th year of
imprisonment on a trip that was tantamount to support
for the apartheid regime, and Obama who recently shed a tear in
Mandela's cell on Robben Island - he who presides over the cages of
Guantanamo.
What were they really mourning
about Mandela? Clearly not his extraordinary will to resist an
oppressive system whose depravity the US and British governments backed
year after year. Rather they were grateful for the crucial
role Mandela had played in quelling an uprising in black South Africa
against the injustice of white political and economic power. This was
surely the only reason he was released. Today the same ruthless economic
power is apartheid in another form, making South
Africa the most unequal society on earth. Some call this
"reconciliation".
We all live in an information age -
or so we tell each other as we caress our smart phones like rosary
beads, heads down, checking, monitoring, tweeting. We're wired; we're on
message; and the dominant theme of the message
is ourselves. Identity is the zeitgeist. A lifetime ago in 'Brave
New World', Aldous
Huxley predicted this as the ultimate means of social control because it
was voluntary, addictive and shrouded in illusions of personal freedom.
Perhaps the truth is that we live not in an
information age but a media age. Like the memory of Mandela, the media's
wondrous technology has been hijacked. From the BBC to CNN, the echo
chamber is vast.
In his
acceptance of the Nobel Prize for Literature in 2005, Harold Pinter
spoke about a "manipulation of power worldwide, while masquerading as a
force for universal good, a brilliant, even witty, highly successful
act of hypnosis." But, said Pinter, "it never happened. Nothing ever
happened. Even while it was happening it wasn't happening. It didn't
matter. It was of no interest."
Pinter was referring to the
systematic crimes of the United States and to an undeclared censorship
by omission - that is, leaving out crucial information that might help
us make sense of the world.
Today liberal democracy is being
replaced by a system in which people are accountable to a corporate
state - not the other way round as it should be. In Britain, the
parliamentary parties are devoted to the same doctrine
of care for the rich and struggle for the poor. This denial of real
democracy is an historic shift. It's why the courage of Edward Snowden,
Chelsea Manning and Julian Assange is such a threat to the powerful and
unaccountable. And it's an object lesson for
those of us who are meant to keep the record straight. The great
reporter Claud Cockburn put it well: "Never believe anything until it's
officially denied".
Imagine if the lies of governments
had been properly challenged and exposed as they secretly prepared to
invade Iraq - perhaps a million people would be alive today.
This is a transcript of John
Pilger's contribution to a special edition of BBC Radio 4's 'Today'
programme, on 2 January 2014, guest-edited by the artist and musician
Polly Harvey.